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Norwegians
in "Zion" Teach Themselves English
by Helge Seljaas (Volume 26: Page 220)
My mainly intention by writing
my Daybook in English in 1905 is: I can hereby rapidly understand
the language reading and writing. This book will therefore be
very incorrect in language grammar; I hope this book will become
better and better from day to day throughout the year."
{1}
From 1853 to the present, about 4,500 Mormons have emigrated
from Norway to the United States. {2} As part of the total
Norwegian migration of almost a million they are numerically
insignificant, but their uniqueness makes them an interesting
study. They included more children and old people than did
other groups of emigrants. Women made up a far greater percentage
among them, not only compared with the general Norwegian contingent,
but also to the Mormons coming from other countries. They
came from cities and settled in the larger communities in
Utah, leaving farming to the Danes. Once settled in "Zion,"
they quickly learned English and were rapidly assimilated
into the local society. Indeed, they had often begun to use
English long before reaching America. The young learned fastest.
Those of mature years seldom became proficient in it, but
the situation— quite common among Norwegian immigrants in
the Midwest—of never learning English, and of second- and
third-generation Americans speaking English with a Norwegian
accent, is unheard of among the "Saints." The difference
is undoubtedly due in part to their being a minority in Utah,
a position unlike that prevailing in many places of the Midwest.
However, even in towns like Hyrum and Manti, where Scandinavians
made up fifty percent or more of the population, English rapidly
became the dominant speech of the community, and the immigrants
strove to master it.
The factor which stands out as the major reason for the rapid
acquisition of English is the influence of the Mormon Church.
Like Lot and his family, the "Saints fleeing from Babylon"
were warned not to look back. {3} While the Lutheran churches,
to which most Norwegian Americans belonged, tended to preserve
the old-country heritage and language, the attitude of the
Latter-Day Saints had the opposite effect. The church encouraged
assimilation and unity among its multilingual membership.
This goal could best be accomplished by encouraging all to
use "the language in which it pleased the Almighty to
manifest His will in this last dispensation." {4} The
results were amazing. In the 1890s one writer expressed the
feeling that "the Gospel has been the means of so nearly
eradicating the lines of nationality among the Saints that
the young people in Zion scarcely know that there are . .
. three nations in Scandinavia." {5}
The comparative ease with which immigrants were assimilated
into Mormon society was stressed by the Deseret News in 1886.
"No one who is familiar with the Scandinavians of Utah
can have failed to notice the facility with which they---the
younger portion especially—acquire the language and customs
of the country." {6}
It might also be added that no one abandoned the culture
and language of his homeland as rapidly as these people did.
It was fairly common for those who emigrated as children to
forget Norwegian completely. There are few second-generation
and virtually no third-generation speakers of Norwegian among
the Mormons. A study based on the 1940 census reveals that
only 16.7 percent of second-generation Norwegian-Americans
in Utah had used the old language in their childhood homes.
This percentage was the lowest of all the states included
in the survey. The average was 52 percent, with North Dakota
having the highest (66.8) and New York the next to the lowest
(33). The same study showed that Norwegians were the national
group in Utah least likely to preserve their language. Their
16.7 percent was lower than the Swedish (24), Danish (23),
Dutch (22.5), German (25.6), and Italian (62.6). It is of
particular interest that among the predominantly Roman Catholic
Italian group, the second generation was almost four times
as likely to have spoken their parents’ language as the Mormon
Norwegians. {7} The process of learning English began before
migrating.
So far as the church leaders were concerned, the foreign
converts to the Mormon faith were not "wretched refuse"
but gods and goddesses in embryo for whom everything was possible.
{8} The missionaries abroad served the Saints not only as
spiritual leaders and travel agents, but also as teachers.
In Christiania in 1869 two English-language schools were operated
by the Mormons. {9} If parents found it difficult to learn
the new language, they were encouraged to send their children,
"who learn . . . more easily than persons of a ripe age."
The missionaries took seriously the admonition: "[Go]
after persons who have obeyed the Gospel and made the interests
of the Kingdom of God their own. . . . Teach them the importance
of quickly gaining a knowledge of the English language, so
that they can receive the knowledge and instructions which
can only be received through that source." {10} Very
few, except for those who associated extensively with the
"Zionseldster"—as the missionaries from America
were called—actually became fluent in the new language before
migration, but they undoubtedly knew more of it than the average
emigrant.
After arriving in Utah, the typical young immigrant could
see no reason to cling to Norwegian. As Oluf Larson, who arrived
in 1862 at the age of twenty-four, wrote in his journal: "There
were many Scandinavians in the community [Springtown] but
more Americans, so I soon began to learn the language."
{11} And as Sondra Sanders put it: "I did not see the
importance of that ability [to speak Norwegian] as English
was the language to be spoken." {12} Norwegian was only
tolerated as a means of communicating with new arrivals and
with those too old to learn a second language. This contrasts
with the experience of the novelist Rølvaag who, after
emigrating to South Dakota in 1896 at the age of twenty, "had
picked up only a smattering of English" after three years.
{13}
A heavy price was paid for neglecting the old-country language
when members of the second generation were called back to
Norway as missionaries. Then they had to struggle with a strange
tongue, and even after they had learned it, their accents
marked them as foreigners. They were never able to duplicate
the success of the first European-born missionaries, who still
remembered the language and customs of their fatherland. Often
even first-generation immigrants who had come to America as
children had to relearn Norwegian upon their return. Andrew
Amundsen, who had migrated in 1855 when he was nine, wrote
in his diary in 1909: "I [am] studying, and trying to
learn the language." {14} John A. Hendrickson, who had
emigrated from Frederikstad in 1863, wrote, twenty-four years
later at the age of twenty-six, that he had first gone to
Christiania, where "I remained for some time learning
the language I so much needed." {15}
There was obviously considerable social pressure to learn
English. "The native American stock were not free from
unkindness due to ignorance." {16} Young Americans were
especially cruel to immigrants of their own age. They "were
inclined to laugh at the foreign looks and behavior . . .
and to mock the broken language." {17} Andrew Israelsen,
who with his family left from northern Norway in 1864 at the
age of eight, did not enjoy school at all the first winter
in Hyrum, as he "was picked on by many of the boys because
[he] was a long, lanky, white-headed immigrant." {18}
Quite naturally, young people among the immigrants shunned
the language that was the source of ridicule. Sanders wrote:
"I was born on the 8th day of March, in the year 1861,
South Cottonwood Ward, Salt Lake County, Utah Territory. I
was the third child of my Parents, Sondra and Anna Sanders,
My Father is Norwegian and Mother Swedish, hence [I] am of
Scandinavian descent.
"My Father was eight years old when he came to America
and my Mother about [?] and though they could and often did
speak their native language, I never learned it sufficiently
to speak it, I however, understood most of what was said,
when common objects, and daily occurrences were spoken of.
"There were two causes to account for my not learning
the Scandinavian language, viz: 1st the Scandinavian people
who came to Utah suffered a great disadvantage in not being
able to speak nor understand the English language, thus appearing
less intelligent than the people here, and perhaps somewhat
awkward, or not ‘at home’ in the new customs and habits of
their neighbors. This caused them or their young children
rather, a great deal of annoyance, and it was no little source
of discumforture to me. My schoolmates did not like a ‘Danishmen’!
nor did they care for anything that was Danish-like. Smart
boys, I thought, they could judge our Fathers and Mothers,
correct them, suggest better customs and much more could they
do—how wise! And yet I did not like them for exhibiting their
wisdom, but I did grow to dislike things ‘Danish,’ and avoided
them as much as possible.
"I even remember it would plague me should any one speak
to me in the Scandinavian tongue. My views have certainly
undergone a great change since then, and I now [1885] look
upon all such subjects like other sensible men—with broad
views—though it required many years for the change in fact
until I was a man. " {19}
There undoubtedly was ridicule associated with foreign languages.
This fact was recognized and pointed out in an 1853 Deseret
News article about the Saints "gathered from the four
winds.. . ." After all, "How would it sound to Saints
to hear a man boasting, I am a Norwegian, and I can talk that
language better than you?" {20} Again, in 1886, the same
newspaper emphasized the problem in an article entitled "The
Scandinavian Element," which stated that "those
who have reached maturity before coming to this land, retain
an accent that betrays their nationality [and] that often
exposes them to undeserved ridicule. They are frequently underrated
because of their lack of understanding . . . of our language,
and are charged with a dullness which is only attributed to
that lack." {21} Even an educated and cultured lady like
Anna Widtsoe, who arrived in 1883 at the age of thirty-four
and mastered the reading and writing of English, "always
felt a certain inward embarrassment when. . . she spoke English
in her broken manner." {22}
The immigrants with a good knowledge of Norwegian cultural
traditions were more likely to pass these on to their children
than were those who were unsure of their heritage— and perhaps
spoke a dialect of which they were ashamed. Thus the more
educated were generally better able to preserve the Norwegian
language for their children. Anna Widtsoe, the widow of a
scholar, did all she could to make sure that both her boys
retained their knowledge of Norwegian. She passed on to them
her love of the "expressive and beautiful language. .
. so well suited to clothe noble ideas in prose and poetry."
{23} Varden, a Norwegian monthly, often expressed the view
that "the Norwegian language should be transferred to
the younger generation." It took to task those "know-nothings"
who felt that it was their duty to give it up. "Shall
we throw away that which the poets of the north have made
famous in all cultured circles on earth? What stupidness."
{24}
The differing attitudes among the immigrants are exemplified
in an article written by a journalist representing Stavanger
Aftenblad. While in Salt Lake City, he met only two Norwegians.
The first, a clerk, refused to speak his native language,
even though he had been born in Norway and had visited it
twice—probably on missions. When the journalist asked a question
in Norwegian, the clerk would answer in English. He "did
not care for Norway. . . and he only knew one other Norwegian
in the City, Judge [Charles Magnus] Nielsen." When the
interviewer then went to see the judge, word had been sent
ahead, and he was greeted in a "beautiful Kristiania
dialect" with "God dag, min ærede tandsmand
[Good day, my honored countryman]. Here I met a man who was
not afraid to speak Norwegian. . . . By his voice when he
mentioned Norway, I understood that both he and his wife loved
the Norwegian people and country." {25}
It took strong-willed parents with a knowledge of their cultural
heritage to prevent the flood of Americanization from overwhelming
the family—at least in the second generation. Since most of
the immigrants were drawn from hard-working but uneducated
classes, few were equipped to stem the tide. The diversity
of dialects and the Norwegian-language controversy probably
also caused some to turn more rapidly to English. Considerable
stress has been placed on the use of "correct" Norwegian,
and this has led to uncertainty among speakers of the less
dominant dialects. {26}
The struggle to retain the native language was an individual
and private effort. There were no official or religious movements
such as were made by the largely Lutheran Norwegian immigrant
groups. Whatever Scandinavian organizations and periodicals
the Mormon Church sponsored were considered a necessary evil
to keep the old and newly arrived Saints faithful until they
could be completely assimilated into the English-speaking
organizations. {27} And assimilated they were. In Utah the
melting pot really melted.
Notes
<1> This statement was written by Christian Johannessen
(1882—1969) in his diary, January 1, 1905, two months after
his arrival from Christiania. He was one of the tireless workers
who did everything possible to preserve the Norwegian heritage
in Utah. To this end he wrote numerous articles for local
Scandinavian publications and served as editor of the weekly
Bikuben and of the monthly Varden, the only entirely Norwegian
periodical ever published in Utah. He was always to be seen
at Norwegian gatherings. His diaries are in the possession
of his daughter, Mrs. Herbert F. Jackstien, Salt Lake City.
<2> This figure is based on emigration records in the
Church Historian’s Office, Salt Lake City. Information on
persons who left Norway before the Mormon migration started
is found in William Mulder, "Norwegian Forerunners among
the Early Mormons," in Norwegian-American Studies and
Records, 19: 46—61 (Northfield, Minnesota, 1956).
<3> In early Mormon terminology, the rest of the world,
indeed often all but the Rocky Mountain area, was referred
to as "Babylon"; Utah was "Zion" and the
members were "Saints."
<4> This quotation is from the Danish-Norwegian weekly
Utah Posten, December 24, 1873. The only time Norwegian was
spoken at a general conference of the church was during the
1856 fall conference, when Heber C. Kimball asked returned
missionary Canute Peterson to address the congregation in
Norwegian. Perhaps he did so to please his wives, Ellen and
Harriet Sanders Kimball, who, as Aagaata and Helga Ystensdatter
had emigrated from Telemark in 1837 and had joined the church
in Illinois. Ellen was one of the three women in the first
company of Mormon pioneers to enter Salt Lake Valley in 1847.
This information is taken from Orson F. Whitney, History of
Utah, 4, 67—69 (Salt Lake City, 1903) and Winefred Bowers,
"A Brief History of the Life of Sondra Sanders,"
a manuscript in the possession of Belle Sanders, Murray, Utah.
<5> Edward H. Anderson, "Scandinavia," in
the Contributor, 12:108 (December, 1890).
<6> "The Scandinavian Element," in Deseret
News, June 25, 1886.
<7> This information is from Einar Haugen, The Norwegian
Language in America: A Study in Bilingual Behavior, 284—85
(Philadelphia, 1953). Kenneth O. Bjork’s "A Covenant
Folk, with Scandinavian Colorings," in Norwegian-American
Studies, 21:212—51 (1962), emphasizes the fact that Scandinavians
in Zion could never "wholly escape the implications of
their origin.
<8> Mormon doctrine includes the belief that, through
continual improvement, man may one day become a god.
<9> Skandinaviens Stjerne, 19:43—44 (November 1, 1869).
This magazine has been published regularly in Copenhagen since
it was founded in 1850 by Erastus Snow. It served the Norwegian
Saints until Lys over Norge was
started in 1937.
<10> "Det engelske sprog," in Skandinaviens
Stjerne, 6:126 (January 15, 1856).
<11> Oluf Larson Journal, 36. This manuscript is in
the Church Historian’s Office, Salt Lake City.
<12> Sondra Sanders Journal, 1:6. A microfilm copy
is deposited in the Church Historian’s Office. The original
is in the possession of his son, 0. Leroy Sanders, Salt Lake
City.
<13> O. E. Rølvaag, Giants in the Earth: A Saga
of the Prairie, xvi—xvii (New York, 1927).
<14> Andrew Amundsen Diary, April 7, 1909, in the Church
Historians Office.
<15> John A. Hendrickson, "Autobiography,"
13. This is an unpublished manuscript in the Church Historian’s
Office.
<16> John A. Widtsoe, In the Gospel Net: The Story
of Anna Karine Widtsoe, 122 (Salt Lake City, 1966). Anna Widtsoe
and her two young Sons, Johan and Asbjørn, emigrated
from Trondhjem in 1883.
<17> Widtsoe, In the Gospel Net, 84.
<18> Andrew M. Israelsen, Utah Pioneering: An Autobiography,
23 (Salt Lake City, 1938).
<19> Sondra Sanders Journal, 1:5. Sondra Sanders, Sr.,
had emigrated with his parents and six brothers and sisters
from Tinn in 1837. Within a year of the family’s arrival both
parents died and the children were scattered. Sondra came
to Illinois, where he joined the Mormon Church; in 1850 he
moved to Utah. It is interesting that the author refers to
"Danishmen" and things "Danish" despite
the fact that his parents were Swedish and Norwegian. This
seems to corroborate Edward H. Anderson’s contention that
the Scandinavian countries were not differentiated in Zion.
It also emphasizes the fact that most Scandinavian Mormon
immigrants were from Denmark.
<20> "To the Saints," in Deseret News, February
5, 1853.
<21> "The Scandinavian Element," in Deseret
News, June 25, 1886.
<22> Widtsoe, In the Gospel Net, 122.
<23> Widtsoe, In the Gospel Net, 83.
<24> John Flittie, "Vort folks aandsliv,"
in Varden, 2:6 (February, 1911).
<25> Bertel L. Bellesen, Stavanger Aftenblad, quoted
in "Et besøk i Saltsjøstaten," in
Morgenstjernen (Oslo), 2:22, 347 (November, 1923).
<26> An article by Andrew Jenson stressing the need
to use correct language is found in Morgenstjernen (Salt Lake
City), 1:8 (January, 1883). Just a few years ago, I heard
a speaker in the Norwegian branch of the Latter-Day Saints
in Salt Lake City comment on the inappropriateness of using
"vulgar" dialects in church services.
<27> This policy has been reversed in recent years.
At the present time, the emphasis is on the international
character of the church. Emigration is discouraged; in 1963
a Norwegian branch was organized for the first time in Salt
Lake City. The membership is drawn mainly from the approximately
800 who emigrated after World War II. Scores of books and
manuals are now translated into Norwegian every year by the
Church Translation Department, and Norwegian is taught at
two church institutions: Ricks College in Idaho and Brigham
Young University in Utah.
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